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Does Deliberative Democracy benefit all? Custom Essay …
Anti-majoritaianism = anti-democracy = despotism. Except for one minor wrinkle: literally every theorist of democracy since Aristotle rejects majoritarianism. As in, all of them. Hobbes? Locke? Kant? Rousseau? Marx? Mill? Rawls? Habermas? Mouffe? Urbinati? Yes—each and every one, from every tradition: liberal, republican, socialist, deliberative. radical, etc. Buchanan repeatedly and explicitly defended a version of liberal representative democracy. There is plenty to disagree with in his work, but to make him out a proponent of despotism, one would have to refuse to read his actual words. Which MacLean did.
Do you agree and if so why or why not.? - For my Political and Legal Class at School I am to write an essay on “Democracy is said to be the most desirable form of political and legal system for both indiviuals and a community compared to other systems”.
Essay on Prerequistes of Deliberative Democracy 1485 Words | 6 Pages
I was frankly surprised at the amount of evidence MacLean was able to marshal to prove that Buchanan and Koch advocated this kind of deliberate deception about their ultimate ends. (See, for examples, 117, 120, 142-143, 144, 151.) But the point is, this argument about “stealth” is the one her critics must attack to shake the whole book and I would contend that disproving it would be the most significant way they could demonstrate that she has misunderstood Buchanan’s ideas. I do recognize that most of her evidence for the advocacy of stealth is archival, but this is only a problem if we have reason to doubt that MacLean honestly represents her sources.
In his work on deliberative polling, Stanford political scientist James Fishkin has demonstrated how powerful personal interactions are in any democratic setting: Roughly three-quarters of the time, in polls taken before and after members of a divided community speak in some depth with people who hold the opposing view, the results change substantially. Neighborliness may not be an avenue to universal comity, but friendly face-to-face interactions can ease a gridlocked political dynamic.
Habermas and Foucault: Deliberative Democracy and Strategic ..
This collection of essays traces the attempts of one writing teacher to understand theoretically - and to respond pedagogically - to what happens when students from diverse backgrounds learn to use language in college. Bizzell begins from the assumption that democratic education requires us to attempt to educate all students, including those whose social or ethnic backgrounds may have offered them little experience with academic discourse. Over the ten-year period chronicled in these essays, she has seen herself primarily as an advocate for such students, sometimes called “basic writers.” Bizzell’s views on education for “critical consciousness,” widely discussed in the writing field, are represented in most of the essays in this volume. But in the last few chapters, and in the intellectual autobiography written as the introduction to the volume, she calls her previous work into question on the grounds that her self-appointment as an advocate for basic writers may have been presumptious, and her hopes for the politically liberating effects of academic discourse misplaced. She concludes by calling for a theory of discourse that acknowledges the need to argue for values and pedagogy that can assist these arguments to proceed more inclusively than ever before. The essays in this volume constitute the main body of work in which Bizzell developed her influential and often cited ideas. Organized chronologically, they present a picture of how she has grappled with major issues in composition studies over the past decade. In the process, she sketches a trajectory for the development of composition studies as an academic discipline.
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