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An Essay on Liberation by Herbert Marcuse 1969

A growing local media devoted space to nationalist issues, raising consciousness to a high level in editorials and special columns devoted to anti-colonial issues. One of the early heroes in this area was John Payne Jackson, originally a Liberian, who lived in Lagos from 1890 to 1918. His newspaper, the Lagos Weekly Record, supported demands for reforms and called for unity among Nigerians to fight the British. The press had an ally among the Nigerian students abroad who established organizations to unite and protest. The best known of these organizations was the West African Students’ Union (WASU) founded in London in 1925 with the objectives of, among others, fostering national consciousness, racial pride, self-help, unity, and cooperation among Africans. WASU called for cooperation among the chiefs and elite, lobbied British politicians to initiate reforms, and used its monthly journal to serve the nationalist cause.

Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, President of Liberia Essay - 608

Religious Issues The Constitution made no reference to religious liberties of United States citizens during ratification of states; the Bill of Rights does address religious freedom but over the past decade the conflict betw...

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A prominent member of the NYM was Nnamdi Azikiwe. When he joined in 1937, he was elected into its Central Executive Council. In the same year he established the West African Pilot, which became an instant success with a wide circulation and an unapologetically anti-colonial stance. The paper’s editorials focused on the themes of colonial injustice, exploitation, and racism. With Lagos as his base, Azikiwe was the first prominent nationalist from eastern Nigeria and he was able to mobilize the Igbo elite in Lagos in support of the NYM. Azikiwe energized the nationalist movement in West Africa from 1934 to 1949, becoming the best known anti-colonial crusader and journalist. Articulate and indefatigable, “Zik”, as he was called by thousands of his admirers, employed oratory and complex diction to great effect. He himself experienced the dramatic changes of the colonial period. As a young boy, he grew up in an urban, heterogeneous setting. He disliked the treatment of his father in the Nigerian Regiment, and of himself as a clerk from 1923 to 1925. He struggled to reach the United States where he attended a predominantly black college as a poor student and observed racial discrimination and protests by African-American organizations. Even with two degrees, he could not secure a civil service job in his own country and had to go to the Gold Coast (now Ghana) to establish the Accra Morning Post and publish his first book, Renascent Africa. In 1937 his newspaper published an essay by a labor leader, I.T.A. Wallace-Johnson, entitled “Has the African a God?” that criticized the colonial government in a way that it found libelous. Azikiwe was convicted, but later acquitted on appeal. He returned to Nigeria, where he became both a journalist and a nationalist.

Though the ACS initially received support from several prominent politicians, vocal objectors and an economic depression in Liberia killed the project by the 1830s.

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Colonial policies generated discontent among the people – especially the elite who originally demanded reforms, and later on, independence. Among the issues that displeased the people were racism and the damage to traditional values during European rule. Nigerians in the civil service complained of racial discrimination in appointments and promotions. The aspiring ones among them were envious of the status and privileges enjoyed by white officials. Among those who complained about excessive changes, nationalism was expressed in cultural ways – that is, in deliberate efforts to promote Nigerian food, names, forms of dress, languages, and even religions. The Christians among them tried to reform Christianity to suit local values, such as large families and polygamy, and to draw from it ideas of liberty, equality, and justice. To the majority of the population, the Native Authorities were both oppressive and corrupt. Many Nigerians believed they could overcome the problems of low prices for raw materials and expatriate control of the economy only if they had the power to determine their own destiny. To the Nigerian businesswomen and men who saw themselves driven out of trade by foreign companies and combines, an identification with anti-colonial movement became a strategy of regaining control.

The Americo-Liberians regarded Africa as a "Promised Land", but they did not integrate into an African society. Once in Africa, they referred to themselves as "Americans" and were recognized as such by local Africans. The symbols of their state - its flag, slogan, and seal - and the structure of government they chose mirrored their American background and Diaspora experience. Anyway, the area was already inhabited by various indigenous ethnic groups who had occupied the region for centuries. The introduction of a new ethnic group resulted in ethnic tensions with the sixteen existing ethnicities. In 1980, the government was reversed in a military rebellion and from 1989 to 2003 Liberia witnessed two civil wars, the First Liberian Civil War (1989-1996), and the Second Liberian Civil War (1999-2003). The wars displaced hundreds of thousands of people and destroyed the country's economy. In 2006, a new administration was established with Ellen Johnson Sirleaf as president. However, Liberia still copes with increasing challenges, and rebuilding has been slow.

Title: Essays on Microfoundations of Peacebuilding in War-Torn Societies: Hypotheses and Evidence from a Field Experiment in Rural Liberia. Author(s):
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There will also be focus on how the liberalisation, migration of labour and integration of markets for goods, services and capital has affected business....

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So far three meter types are known from Liberia, the earliest being introduced in 1966. The machine of the first two is an Automax model supplied by the English subsidiary of the American company Pitney Bowes, as indicated by the initials “P.B.” in the bottom panel. Meter numbers range from 001 to 016 for sixteen different machines, and are always prefixed with “MV” (Monrovia). The second type is a variation of the first with the indicium only showing the value but no words. The third meter type is another Pitney Bowes model, GB "5000", and has the seal of Liberia between the town mark and the indicium. It is currently unknown if these machines or any kind of metered mail still exist in Liberia, since the last known dates are from the 70s.
There is also a frank essay produced by Hasler, Switzerland, for a meter stamp of similar design, but apparently it was never used.

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Although the act involved a violation of the constitution, it nevertheless went virtually unchallenged.At this point it remains unclear how such developments are likely to impact the 2017 elections, but tensions and disputations likely to be generated during the October elections may certainly provide a glimpse into how those elections are likely to pan out.Ahead of the 2017 elections, however, is a constitutional referendum on a host of issues including the proposed change of national symbols, the tenure of the president and legislators amongst others.Then, Liberians will have the opportunity to undo the changes made to the constitution by judicial fiat, such as the removal of the two-thirds consensus- building requirement contained in the 1986 constitution.

Liberia's road to Elections 2017 - New African Magazine

Years of conflict have had devastating consequences for the humanitarian situation in Liberia, which is currently ranked 174 out of 175 counties by the UN World Human Development Index, which measures health and living conditions. The Liberian civil war had horrific consequences on the Liberian people. The 14-year civil conflict left more than 100,000 people dead. Mostly innocent civilians were murdered, and hundreds of thousands became refugees or displaced throughout the region. One of the tragic consequences of the Liberian-Civil war was the use of children as soldiers. An estimated 15,000 children fought in Liberia's civil war. Most of them are now vulnerable and are suffering from "drug addiction", and "post-traumatic stress syndrome". Women and girls were reported to have suffered the most: they were raped and murdered with impunity by all the fighting groups.

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