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with notes and an interpretive essay.

Revolutionary Americans believed the amount of virtue possessed by the people - and particularly their leaders - would determine the country's future. As Wood notes, George Washington was anxious to receive no salary as President, in order to make clear that he had no material self-interest in the position. Indeed, Wood shows that revolutionary leaders ultimately sought to "open up government to those who were not only talented but virtuous" - those willing "to sacrifice private interests for the sake of the public good." 9 Madison also appears to have learned from Montesquieu: "To suppose that any form of government will secure liberty or happiness without any virtue in the people is a chimerical idea," wrote Madison. Madison and Washington were optimistic that sufficient virtue existed - at least among the wealthy and well-educated leadership class. But John Adams, writing in a religiously-inflected republican spirit, was worried. In 1776, Adams doubted "whether there is public virtue enough to support a republic." "We have no government armed with power capable of contending with human passions unbridled by morality and religion," Adams wrote. "Our constitution was made only for a moral and religious people. It is wholly inadequate for the government of any other."

Excellent essay by Richard Kraut from the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy

Sophocles, who wrote “Oedipus Rex”, portrayed Jocasta as a caring mother who soon turned into a wife of her own son, while Shakespeare, who wrote “Hamlet”, used the same Greek tragedian tools and portrayed Gertrude as a naïve mother who made one decision that separated her son, Hamlet, from her.

Plato: The Dialogue Form - Republic

Justice In Plato's The Republic - Justice In Plato's The Republic Ralph Waldo Emerson once wrote ..

It is a mistake to assume that Locke ghost-wrote the American founding, despite his clear influence. Citations to Aristotle, Plato, Plutarch, Livy, Cicero, Tacitus, Sallust, Pufendorf, Rousseau, and dozens of other Greek, Roman, and continental philosophers rendered many letters and speeches of the period "almost submerged in annotation." 7 And Bailyn found that it was the French republican philosopher Montesquieu - not Locke - who was cited far more than any other authority in the pamphlets and debates of the founding era. Revolutionary leaders took to heart Montesquieu's argument that democracy required more virtuous citizenry than did monarchy, because under popular government, "the person intrusted with the execution of the laws is sensible of his being subject to their direction." 8

Roman historiography - Wikipedia

Roman historiography is indebted to the ..

or the “Tabulae Albatae,” which consist of information on the origin of the republic
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